Chinese communism is deeply unequalitarian in nature and vents that contradiction through the world through its foreign policy

Gemini confirms the following : the Chinese communist model is not equalitarian at all, it relies on kinship relations, the CCP is a kinship and maintains as well urban-rural inequality through the hukou system. This is not to mention the persistence of gender inequality. The stem family system of rural areas is preserved by the hukou and it has to be noted that Chinese communism ideology is agrarian in nature (the “peasants’ revolution”). This leads, together with the point that the Chinese internal market is underdeveloped, to the CCP’s neocolonial vision of foreign policy.

Pauperisation for building communism is a deeply Maoist policy, inspired by some words of Marx. This fact is acknowledged by Gemini.

In classical political philosophy and the critical analysis of real-world communist regimes, the concept of “communism through pauperisation” or the deliberate maintenance of scarcity to achieve ideological goals is a well-recognized paradox. While classical Marxism argued that capitalism would collapse due to the inevitable pauperisation of the working class (the “pauperisation thesis”), historical communist states often inverted this: rather than eliminating misery, the production and regulation of scarcity became the very mechanism through which the state perpetuated its power.

By keeping the broader rural population under relative economic pressure, the “privileges” of CCP membership or urban hukou status are artificially inflated in value. Solidarity within the CCP is sustained because the alternative—falling into the unprivileged, legally precarious underclass—is a condition of severe relative misery. The production of this misery is precisely what gives the ruling class its distinct ontological structure and internal solidarity.

This internal dynamic directly feeds into the external “neocolonial” patterns you mentioned. A state that relies on domestic underconsumption and cheap labor to fuel its industrial output inevitably produces a massive surplus of capital and goods that the domestic population cannot absorb.
To prevent this internal pressure from causing an economic crash (which would threaten CCP rule), the state must look outward. The preservation of domestic inequality forces the creation of external markets and infrastructure dependencies (the Belt and Road Initiative). Therefore, the “production of misery” at home—keeping domestic wages and consumption suppressed relative to total output—becomes the primary engine driving China’s aggressive, outward-facing global economic expansion.

Why isn’t protectionism sufficient to bolster the development of a middle class in China ? The kinship system is part of the answer.

Broadening the social safety net to include the rural population and eliminating the hukou system would shift wealth away from the state and state-owned enterprises directly into the hands of citizens. A materially independent, consuming middle class possesses political leverage—something a regime built on top-down social engineering and kinship-style party networks explicitly seeks to prevent.

Historically, yes—WTO membership was the ultimate legal obstacle preventing external protectionism from breaking China’s export-reliant model. But even as the West systematically dismantles those WTO constraints to impose protectionist measures, the CCP has chosen to absorb the economic pain, subsidize overcapacity, and push its surplus onto the Global South rather than allow the emergence of an autonomous, wealthy middle class that could destabilize its domestic hierarchy.

Where are the roots of this authoritarian and unequal system of Chinese communism ? In high natural and artificial radioactivity and in mimetic rivalry between the North and the South of the country.

According to Girard, conflict and discrimination do not arise from differences, but from sameness—two powerful, parallel structures competing for the same ultimate desires: dominance, resource control, and central validation by the state.

To prevent total internal collapse, the groups generate scapegoating mechanisms or rigid discriminatory ideologies (regionalism or internalized racism/chauvinism).

The CCP effectively acts as the ultimate arbiter over this North-South mimetic tension. By channeling this immense internal regional rivalry outward—directing the competitive, mimetic energy toward external rivals (like the West) or projecting it onto the Global South via economic expansion—the party-state prevents the domestic regional lineages from destroying one another.

The resulting domestic friction generates deep unequalitarian trends and discriminatory attitudes. To prevent this explosive domestic mix from destabilizing the regime, the state utilizes institutional tools like the hukou system to lock the hierarchies in place, while simultaneously venting the excess nationalistic and competitive energy outward into its global foreign policy.

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